Archive for the ‘Ancient Macedonian History’ Category

The Heracleid origin of ancient Macedonians

March 19, 2007

Most of us already know there is a part of modern historians attributing the connection of ancient Macedonians – most importantly the Argead royal house – with Heracleids and Dorians as propaganda invented of Alexander I ‘Philhellene’.
This claim is easily refuted if anyone analyzes ancient Macedonian names, especialy royal names, prior to the time of Alexander I. Some of the most common ancient Macedonian names are:

AEROPOS It could be found also as Eeropos.Aerope -its female form – was the wife of King Atres of Mycenae. Aeropos was also the son of Aerope, daughter of Kepheus:

‘Ares, the Tegeans say, mated with Aerope, daughter of Kepheus (king of Tegea), the son of Aleos. She died in giving birth to a child, Aeropos, who clung to his mother even when she was dead, and sucked great abundance of milk from her breasts. Now this took place by the will of Ares.

(Pausanias 8.44.)

Another case is the one of Eeropos, father of Ehemos, king of Peloponessians.

then our general and king Echemus, son of Phegeus’ son Eeropus, volunteered and was chosen out of all the allied host; he fought that duel and killed Hyllus.

[Herodotus 9.26.5]

ARCHELAOS He was king of Sparta and excercized kingship along with Charilaos in early 8th BCE (Plutarch.Lyc.5)

ARGAIOS In Greek mythology this name belongs to both the man who built the Argo and a man with a hundred eyes. One of its meanings could be “the one coming from Argos”.

AMYNTAS The name Amyntas means “defender”. In Ionic dialect its called Amyntis (Herodotus 5.19 “Αμύντης” ) but as we know in the strongly related Doric and Macedonian dialects the names ending in -is are transformed into -as.

ALKETAS Here we can observe the traditional doric name ending in -as. Interestingly it is a common name in Sparta. An example is the Spartan Alketas who arrested in Oreos of Thebes, 2 Theban triremes carrying wheat and 200 prisoners.

ANTIOCHOS Quite interesting and revealing the fact Antiochos was the name of an Heracles’ son.

While these were kings the Dorians took the field against Corinth, their leader being Aletes, the son of Hippotas, the son of Phylas, the son of Antiochus, the son of Heracles.”

[Pausanias 2.4.3]

ALEXANDROS According to Eusebius, first one in the greek world, was the king Alexandros of Corinth who was the 10th king of this city and he must have lived around the late 9th c. BC.

PEUKESTAS Another Macedonian name related to Heracles. One of the names of Heracles is Peukes. The ending -tas is doric.

Hadrian, Thessalonica and Panhellenion League

March 19, 2007

http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-2962?tocId=2962

In the biography of emperor Hadrian on encyclopaedia britannica, we can find written:

Quote:

He created the Panhellenion, a federation of Greeks that was based at Athens, which gave equal representation to all Greek cities and thereafter played a conspicuous part in the history of Roman Greece.

According to the Panhellenion Leaque who started about 131 AD, a city could take part ONLY if the city could prove her “greekness”. This “greekness” should be as cultural as much as ancestral.

From inscriptions found we know that certain city members who proved their “greekness” among others were Athens, Megara, Sparta, Chalcis, Argos, Epidaurus, Amphicleia, Corinth and…Thessalonica.

We can find also in <F.Millar, “The Roman Empire and its Neighbours,” 2nd ed. (London: Duckworth, 1981), pp.205-206>

Quote:

“Hadrian… also founded a temple of `Zeus Panhellenios’,
and established Panhellenic games and an annual Panhelle-
nic assembly of deputies from all the cities of Greece
and all those outside which could prove their foundation
from Greece;… The importance attached to Hadrian’s
institution is best illustrated by an early third-
century inscription from Thessalonica honouring a local
magnate, T.Aelius Geminius Macedo, who had not only held -›Makedon|
magistracies and provided timber for a basilica in his
own city, and been Imperial `curator’ of Apollonia, but
had been archon of the Panhellenic congress in Athens,
priest of the deified Hadrian and president of the
eighteenth Panhellenic Games (199/200); the inscription
mentions proudly that he was the first `archon’ of the
Panhellenic Congress from the city of Thessalonica.
That was one side of the picture, the development of
Greek civilization and the CONSCIOUS CELEBRATION OF ITS
UNITY AND PROSPERITY.
In the native populations of the
East it produced mixed feelings, nowhere better
exemplified than the conversation of three Rabbis of the
second century,…”

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Ancient Macedon and Thessalia – Case of Jason of Pherai

March 19, 2007

One of the usual arguments of Fyrom’s propagandists is that ancient Macedon was entirely different from the greek city-states. Therefore for them this is an alledged ‘evidence’ of the non-greekness of Macedon. Lets check out the differences and similarities between ancient Macedon and ancient Thessalia.

In the first half of the 4th century Macedonia remained a tribal territory ruled by a hereditary monarchy and dominated by a landed aristocracy. There was Utile urbanisation. Pella was the largest town, turned into the capital by king Archelaos towards the end of the 5th century, but it was small compared to Athens, Korinthos, or Argos. Other towns existed—Aigai (the old capital), Beroia, Edessa, Dion—but archaeological exploration to date does not suggest that any of them were much more than large villages before the time of Philip.

Communications were poor, even though in the late 5th century king Archelaos had, according to Thucydides 2.100-2, built fortifications and straight roads. These were specifically with a view to warfare, and the chaos that succeeded Archelaos’ death did much to undo his work. Trade was very lim¬ited, though not unimportant. A major problem was that Macedonia’s ports—Pydna, Methone, Therme, possibly Pella—were rather poor harbors, and in the cases of Pydna, Methone, and Therme were not always under Macedonian control- Though there was clearly a substantial population living in the countryside, many if not most of them seem to have been dependent “serfs” or tenants on the lands of the aristocracy. With the low level of economic development and added problems of general insecurity, even any independent small farmers, share-croppers and pastoralists do not seem to have risen beyond a basic subsistence level.

The situation in Macedonia in the 5th and early 4th centuries was thus akin to that in Thessaly, concerning which we are slightly bettter informed, A landed, horse-breeding aristocracy dominated Thessaly, Towns were small and relatively unimportant: only Pharsalos, Larissa, and the port city of Pherai were of any great significance. Pherai controlled the only worthwhile port via which exports and imports could pass out of and into Thessaly. The region had a tradition of being a single political unit, but was in fact usually extremely disunited. The rich agricultural lands of the Thessalian plain supported a large population and generated considerable wealth—Thessaly was about the only part of mainland Greece that was a significant exporter of grain—but the majority of the population were kept in dependence by the aristocracy as ‘pemstai’, a kind of “serfs”, and the region was hence militarily weak except, as in the case of Macedonia, for an excellent cavalry force provided by the aristocrats.

There were thus in northern Greece two large, populous regions, rich in natural resources and hence potentially powerful, but plagued by the same problems of disunity, lack of political and economic organization and infrastructure, and an archaic social system that kept the majority of the populace too poor and dependent to play a significant civic and military role.

In Thessaly a strong leader arose in the 4th century who attempted to address these problems and raise Thessaly to its potential position of power: Jason of Pherai. As ruler of Pherai he had a strong power base due to Pherai’s control of Thessalian trade. Jason used the wealth accruing there from to raise and train a substantial force of mercenary infantry*—over 6,000 at its peak, we are told (Xenophon Hell. 6.1.5; cf. HeiL 6.1.4-19 and 6.4.21-32 for the fullest ancient account of Jason’s career and aims).

With this force added to the Pheraian cavalry, Jason was able to bring all Thessaly under his control and set about unifying it. He is said to have had very ambitious imperialist plans, but they do not seem to have included mobilizing Thessaly’s manpower except in his somewhat doubtful scheme to use the penestm as rowers in a great Thessalian fleet. When Jason was assassinated in 370 his power quickly fell apart, though at least one of his successors, Alexandros of Pherai, was by no means lacking in ability.

Jason’s mistake, one feels, was to rely on mercenaries, however devoted they may have been to him personally, rather than raising and organizing a national Thessalian infantry army. Ten years after Jason’s death a strong leader arose in Macedonia who attempted to do in Macedonia more or less what Jason had aimed to do in Thessaly, and succeeded: Philip II.

The major difference between them—apart from the by no means negligible fact that Philip was the hereditary tribal monarch of the Macedonians, which greatly strengthened his position—was that Philip did create a Macedonian infantry force, mobilizing the manpower resources of Macedonia, and thereby transforming Macedonia itself as we have seen above, Philip came to the throne at a moment of deep and disastrous crisis for Macedonia, in the aftermath of a crushing military defeat. He faced a host of difficulties besides, but the most pressing problems he faced were undoubtedly those requiring military action, and in fact virtually all of his major problems were susceptible to being alleviated by military power. Consequently, Philip’s first actions on becoming king focused on improving the Macedonian army.

 “Kings and Colonists: Aspects of Macedonian Imperialism” by Richard Billows

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Philip fulfiled his mentor’s Epaminondas dream to unite Greece

March 19, 2007

Taken from the book of Lewis Vance Cummings “Alexander the Great” 

Page 20

Philip had been a boy of thirteen when he was taken as a hostage to Thebes. He had been well treated, and placed in charge of Epaminondas, perhaps the greatest Greek of that day. The Thcban was a man of culture, an orator of the first caliber, a politician of consummate shrewdness and ability, a strategist and general with the driving power of a Spartan. By sheer force of domineering will power he had won from the people of Thebes their blind obedience and made himself supreme in the city. He had tried, fruitlessly, largely by diplomatic chicane, even to the extent of intriguing with the Persian king and even sending Pelopidas to dance attendance upon the foreign monarch, to force Theban ascendancy in matters pertaining to the policies of all Greece. It was later said that Epaminondas’ intentions were the same as those of Jason, ultimately to use his ascendancy to force unity of Greece for the purpose of attacking the Persian Empire. But he had run into the stone wall of insular hatred that kept all Greeks in constant bitter turmoil. The Greek city-states, jealous of their individual prerogatives and governed by frequently changed personalities, would never agree to genuine co-operation, or, having agreed, would break any agreement to gain an advantage or upon the slightest fancied insult. They had become politically incapable of forming a lasting confederation for mutual defense or betterment, and were individually too weak to defend themselves in the face of any logical combination or alliance. Epaminondas had failed in his dream, but the scope of his vision, mental resources, military prowess, and diplomatic cleverness had fired young Philip’s imagination

Cults in Ancient Macedonia

March 19, 2007

MACEDONIA – CULTS

Nowadays historians generally agree that the Macedonians form part of the Greek ethnos; hence they also shared in the common religious and cultural features of the Hellenic world.

Consequently most of the gods worshipped in Greece can also be found in Macedonia. However regional characteristics have to be noted. Especially in the areas bordering on Thrace and among the Paeonians in the north – though these had early contacts with the Macedonians in the centre – local deviants in cult and religion have been attested.

The cult of Zeus was one of the most important cults in Macedonia. Its places of worship on Olympus, at the foot of the mountain at Dion, and at Aegae (Vergina) were extremely popular. As father of Makedon he was the Macedonians’ eponymous ancestor.

The cult of Artemis was widely practised. Although most of the evidence dates to Roman times one may assume the existence of older religious practices. In the areas in contact with Thrace it is determined by the Thracian cult of Artemis and the worship of Bendis, probably themselves types of a deity of fertility and vegetation. Herodotus (4.33) says that women in Thrace and Paeonia always brought wheat-straw in their offerings to Artemis Basileia. In central Macedonia Enodia is attested, on horseback and holding a torch. She has frequently been associated with Artemis.

By comparison the cult of Apollo is not as widespread. Here too local deviants can be found. In Thessalonica, where Pythian Games were held in honour of Apollo Pythius, the cult of Apollo is even connected with the Cabiri.

The cult of Dionysus, whom the Paeonians called Dyalus, was especially popular. However, the sites are unevenly distributed. On the basis of the borders of the later Macedonian provinces there are fewer monuments for Dionysus in the south-west, while one of the cult centres was in the area of the Pangaeus – a region admittedly also settled in by the Thracians.

Zeus, Apollo, Heracles, Dionysus, Athena, and other such gods appear on coins of the 5th and 4th cents. BC. This evidence, however, ought not to be overestimated since these gods were depicted in order to demonstrate the close links with the Greek world. Especially important was Heracles not only as the ancestor of the Macedonian royal family, but also fulfilling manifold other functions, e.g. as the patron of hunting.

Other cults of not inconsiderable importance were those of Helios, among the Paeonians worshipped as a disc, Selene, the Dioscuri, healing deities -represented by Asclepius and Hygeia- river-gods, nymphs, the Pierian Muses, and a strange snake.

Alongside the cult of Dionysus and the Samothracian mysteries, Orphism too was not unknown (Derveni papyrus c.330 BC.)

The so-called Thracian Rider is attested on votive tablets in north and east Macedonia. However, in contrast to Thrace the ‘Heros Equitans’ is frequently depicted on Macedonian tomb-stones. The numerous deifications of the dead as e.g. Aphrodite, Artemis, Athena, Dionysus, Eros, Hermes, and Heracles belong in this context. These monuments, as well as most river-statues and the votive reliefs depicting various deities, generally date to the second half of the 2nd and the first half of the 3rd cent. AD.

M.Oppermann,

Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed. (1996), p.905

http://www.ucc.ie/staff/jprodr/macedonia/macancrel.html

Eurypides and Macedonians

March 19, 2007

Euripides spent many years of his life and finally died in Macedonia. Many of his tragedies were written and played while he was in Macedonia. This would have been impossible, had the Macedonians been ‘barbarians’. This is because in one of these tragedies, ‘Iphigeneia in Aulis’, the Greek superiority over the barbarians is emphasized.

MIT classics is elightening on this subject, where Iphigenia is talking to her mother Clytaemnestra (in Euripides’ Iphigenia at Avlis):

IPHIGENIA: And it is but right, mother, that Hellenes should rule barbarians, but not barbarians Hellenes, those being slaves, while these are free.

http://classics.mit.edu/Euripides/iphi_aul.pl.txt 

For the sake of the argument, it woud have been a great insult for the proud Macedonians if Euripides, in front of the Macedonian King Archelaos and the theater full of Macedonians, would dare to say that Greeks should rule the barbarians, if Macedonians were barbarians themselves

The question is…Did Euripides had a death wish OR he was certain he was adressing Greeks????  

Some more questions would be why did Euripides assumed that these Macedonians knew everything about the Trojan War, Iphigenia, Orestis and the like, as references to these abound in the text?

Why did he assume that the deities, their characteristics and actions were understandable by the Macedonians?

The Answer is easy…Euripides knew Macedonians were Greeks!!!

Ancient sources about Alexander’s army Greek character

March 16, 2007

In response to the misinformation and falsification of history from the propagandistic site of FYROM http://faq.macedonia.org we are going to provide references both by Ancient and Modern sources refuting the lies of FYROM pseudo-historians.

– Ancient Sources –

1 .

Quote:

“Porus, bringing up his elephants, followed these movements, guided by the
noise, and Alexander gradually led him to make these marches, parallel to
his own, a regular thing. This went on for some time, until Porus, finding that the Greeks never went beyond shouts and yells, gave it up. Clearly, it was afalse alarm; so he ceased to follow the movements of the Greek cavalry and stayed where he was in his original position with lookouts posted at various points along the river.”

Arrian’s Life of Alexander the Great. Penguin Classics. Translated by Aubrey
De Selincourt. Page 172

2.

Quote:

“Alexander promptly sent for Abisares, adding a threat that, should he fail to appear he would soon see the Greek army and its commander-in-chief and in an unwelcome spot.”

Arrian’s Life of Alexander the Great. Penguin Classics. Translated by Aubrey
De Selincourt. Page 182

3.

Quote:

Even though Xerxes had a huge host with him, he was a barbarian and was defeated by the prudence of the Hellenes; whereas Alexander the Hellene has already engaged in 13 battles and has not been defeated once.”

<`Pseudo-Kallisthenes’ 2.3.4.-5; Oration of Demosthenes>

4.

Quote:

“And, now, is justly the barbarian <Xerxes> praised by the Athenians for capturing Hellenes? As for Alexander who is a Hellene and captured Hellenes, not only did he not imprison his opponents, but enlisted them and made them his allies instead of enemies… “

<`Pseudo-Kallisthenes’ 2.4.5; Oration of Demosthenes>

5.

Quote:

No king of the Hellenes had ever conquered Egypt with the exception only of Alexander, and that he did without war…”

<`Pseudo-Kallisthenes’ 2.4.7-8; Oration of Demosthenes>

6.

Quote:

Mutiny was but a step away when, unperturbed by all this, Alexander summoned a full meeting of his generals and officers in his tent and ordered the Egyptian seers to give their opinion. They were well aware that the annual cycle follows a pattern of changes, that the moon is eclipsed when it passes behind the earth or is blocked by the sun, but they did not give this explanation, which they themselves knew, to the common soldiers. Instead, they declared that the sun represented the Greeks and the moon the Persians, and that an eclipse of the moon predicted disaster and slaughter for those nations.

(Quintus Curtius Rufus 4.10)

7.

Quote:

Alexander called a meeting of his generals the next day. He told them that no city was more hateful to the Greeks than Persepolis, the capital of the old kings of Persia, the city from which troops without number had poured forth, from which first Darius and then Xerxes had waged an unholy war on Europe. To appease the spirits of their forefathers they should wipe it out, he said.

(Quintus Curtius Rufus 5.6)

8.

Quote:

“…The Greeks moved on thence, from the sacred island, and were already coasting along Persian territory…”

[Arrian, Indica XXXVIII:]

9. ”

Quote:

…Thence they sailed eight hundred stades, anchoring at Troea; there were small and poverty-stricken villages on the coast. The inhabitants deserted their huts and the Greeks found there a small quantity of corn, and dates from the palms…”

[Arrian, Indica XXIX]

10.

Quote:

“…he (Alexander) inflicted punishment on the Persians for their outrages on all the Greeks, and how he delivered us all from the greatest evils by enslaving the barbarians and depriving them of the resources they used for the destruction of the Greeks, pitting now the Athenians and now the Thebans against the ancestors of these Spartans, how in a word he made Asia subject to Greece.”

[Polybius, Book IX, 34, 3]

11.

Quote:

“…Yet through Alexander (the Great) Bactria and the Caucasus learned to revere the gods of the Greeks… Alexander established more than seventy cities among savage tribes, and sowed all Asia with Greek magistracies... Egypt would not have its Alexandria, nor Mesopotamia its Seleucia, nor Sogdiana its Prophthasia, nor India its Bucephalia, nor the Caucasus a Greek city, for by the founding of cities in these places savagery was extinguished and the worse element, gaining familiarity with the better, changed under its influence…”

[Plutarch’s Moralia, On the Fortune of Alexander I, 328D, 329A (Loeb, F.C. Babbitt)]

12.

Quote:

“But he said, ‘If I were not Alexandros, I should be Diogenes’; that is to say: `If it were not my purpose to combine barbarian things with things HELLENIC, to traverse and civilize every continent, to search out the uttermost parts of land and sea, TO PUSH THE BOUNDS OF MACEDONIA TO THE FARTHEST OCEAN, AND TO DISSEMINATE AND SHOWER THE BLESSINGS OF HELLENIC JUSTICE and peace over every nation, I should not be content to sit quietly in the luxury of idle power, but I should emulate the frugality of Diogenes. But as things are, forgive me Diogenes, that I imitate Herakles, and emulate Perseus, and follow in the footsteps of Dionysos, the divine author and progenitor of my family, and DESIRE THAT VICTORIOUS HELLENES SHOULD DANCE AGAIN in India […]”

[Plutarch’s Moralia, On the Fortune of Alexander, 332A (Loeb, F.C Babbitt)]

13.

Quote:

Similarly, the Thebans voted to drive out the garrison in the Cadmeia and not to concede to Alexander the leadership of the Greeks.

[Diodorus of Sicily, 17.3.4]

14.

Quote:

he spoke to them in moderate terms and had them pass a resolution appointing him general plenipotentiary of the Greeks and undertaking themselves to join in an expedition against Persia seeking satisfaction for the offences which the Persians had committed against Greece.

[Diodorus of Sicily, 17.4.9]

15.

Quote:

“Alexandros observed that his soldiers were exhausted with their constant campaigns. …The hooves of the horses had been worn thin by steady marching. The arms and armour were wearing out, and the Hellenic clothing was quite gone. They had to clothe themselves in materials of the barbarians,…”

(Diodoros of Sicily 17.94.1-2)

16.

Quote:

” There are Greek troops, to be sure, in Persian service — but how different is theirs cause from ours ! They will be fighting for pay— and not much of it at that; we on the contrary shall fight for Greece, and our hearts will be in it. As for our foreign troops —Thracians, Paeonians, Illyrians, Agrianes — they are the best and stoutest soldiers of Europe, and they will find as their opponents the slackest and softest of the tribes of Asia.”

Arrian – The Campaigns of Alexander. Alexander talking to the troops before the battle. Book 2-7 Penguin Classics. Page 112. Translation by Aubrey De Seliucourt.

17.

Quote:

“…so said the military leaders to the camps: `We have made enough war in Persia and conquered Dareios who claimed taxes from the Hellenes, but what are we accomplishing by marching against the Indians, in scary lands and doing things IMPROPER FROM HELLAS? If Alexandros has become full of himself and wishes to be a warrior, and subjugate barbarian peoples why do we follow him? Let him move on alone and engage in wars. Having heard these Alexander separated the Persian host from the MACEDONIANS AND THE OTHER HELLENES and addressed them…”

(`Pseudo-Kallisthenes’ 3.1.2-4)

18.

Quote:

Alexander (the Great)… after talking to the Thessalians and the other Hellenes,… grabbed his spear with his left hand, shifted his right
hand to pray to the gods, as Kallisthenes reports, wishing, if he is indeed a SON of ZEUS that they SUPPORT the HELLENES. Aristandros, the priest…”

(Plutarchos, Alexander 33)

19.

Quote:

“Your ancestors invaded Macedonia and the rest of Hellas and did us great harm, though we had done them no prior injury;… I have been appointed hegemon of the Greeks… “

(Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander II, 14, 4)

20.

Quote:

.”He sent to Athens three hundred Persian panoplies to be set up to Athena in the acropolis; he ordered this inscription to be attached: Alexander son of Philip and the Hellenes, except the Lacedaemonians, set up these spoils from the barbarians dwelling in Asia”,

(Arrian I, 16, 7)

By Ptolemy

Ancient sources about Macedonia as a Greek Land

March 16, 2007

Ancient Sources

1.

Quote:

Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece”.

Strabo, VII, Frg. 9 (Loeb, H.L. Jones)

*Strabo, the famous ancient geographer makes it more than clear to everybody that ancient Macedonia, without doubt, IS A PART OF GREECE.

2.

Quote:

“Your ancestors invaded Macedonia and the rest of Greece and did us great harm, though we had done them no prior injury;… I have been appointed hegemon of the Greeks… “

Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander II, 14, 4 (Loeb, P. A. Brunt);

*Alexander the Great here, verifies also that Ancient Macedonia was a part of Greece.

3.

Quote:

“They say that these were the clans collected by Amphictyon himself in the Greek assembly… The Macedonians managed to join and the entire Phocian race… In my day there were thirty members: six each from Nikopolis, Macedonia, and Thessaly – and from the Boeotoi that were the first that departed from Thessalia and that’s when they were called Aioloi – two from each of the Phokeis and Delphi, one from the ancient Dorida, the Lokroi send one from the Ozoloi and one from the ones living beyond Evoia, one from the Evoeis. From the Peloponnesians, one from Argos, one from Sikion, one from Korinthos and Megara, one from Athens…”

[Pausanias, Description of Greece, Phocis Book VIII, 4]

*Again, only Greeks participated in Amphictyonies. Macedonians as Greeks took part also.

4.

Quote:

“…he (Alexander) inflicted punishment on the Persians for their outrages on all the Greeks, and how he delivered us all from the greatest evils by enslaving the barbarians and depriving them of the resources they used for the destruction of the Greeks, pitting now the Athenians and now the Thebans against the ancestors of these Spartans, how in a word he made Asia subject to Greece.”

[Polybius, Book IX, 34, 3]

*He “made Asia Subject to Greece”. Another irrefutable evidence that Macedonia was part of Greece.

5.

Quote:

“Alexander lived many hundred years ago. He was king of Macedon, one of the states of Greece. His life was spent in war. He first conquered the other Grecian states, and then Persia, and India, and other countries one by one, till the whole known world was conquered by him. It is said that he wept, because there were no more worlds for him to conquer. He died, at the age of thirty-three, from drinking too much wine. In consequence of his great success in war, he was called Alexander the Great.”

(Plutarch’s, Moralia, On the Fortune of Alexander, I, 328D, 329A [Loeb, F.C. Babbitt])

*Plutarch refutes all propagandistic claims of FYROM by stating that “Macedon was one of the states of Greece”.

6.

Quote:

and the Athenians were not ready to concede the leading position AMONG the Greeks to Macedon.

[Diodorus of Sicily, 17.3.2]

*Another evidence coming from Diodorus of Sicily proving that Macedon was a greek land.

7.

Quote:

The 38th book contains the completion of the disaster of the Hellenes. For though both the whole of Hellas and her several parts had often met with mischance, yet to none of her former defeats can we more fittingly apply, the name of disaster with all it signifies than to the events of my own time. In the time I am speaking of a comon misfortune befell the Peloponnesians, the Boiotians, the Phokians, the Euboians, the Lokrians, some of the cities on the Ionians Gulf, and finally the Macedonians.”

[Polyvius 38.8]

*Polyvius here prooves that Macedonia was a part of Hellas.

8.

Quote:

Such was the end of Philip … He had ruled 24 years. He is known to fame as one who with but the slenderest resources to support his claim to athrone won for himself the greatest empire AMONG the Hellenes, while the growth of his position was not due so much to his prowess in arms as to his adroitness and cordiality in diplomacy.”

(Diodoros of Sicily 16.95.1-2)

*Diodorus’ quote “greatest empire among the Hellenes” says it all.

9.

Quote:

“Caesar judged that he must drop everything else and pursue Pompey where he had betaken himself after his flight, so that he should not be able to gather more forces and renew, and he advanced daily as far as he could go with the cavalry and ordered a legion to follow shorter stages. An edict had been published in Pompey’s name that all the younger men in the province (Macedonia), both GREEKS and Roman citizens, should assemble to take an oath.”

Civil War 111.102.3]

*Since Macedonia was a Greek land, it would be populated by Greeks.

10.

Quote:

Of the rivers in the Greek world, the Achelous flows from Pindus, the Inachus from the same mountain; the Strymon, the Nestus, and the Hebrus all three from Scrombrus; many rivers, too, flow from Rhodope..”

[Meteorology, BI.13]

*The rivers of Macedonia was certainly “rivers of the Greek world”.

11.

Quote:

Annibas put himself under oath to Xenophanis (ambassador of Philip) in front of the all gods that Macedonia and the rest of Hellas have…”

[Polivius, Book 7-9]

*The treaty of alliance between Philip V of Macedonia and Hannibal. Again another proof Macedonia was part of Hellas.

12.

Quote:

“Xerxes, having so spoken, held his peace. (SS 1.) Whereupon Mardonius took the word, and said:
….I myself have had experience of these men when I marched against them by the orders of thy father; and though I went as far as Macedonia, and came but a little short of reaching Athens itself, yet not a soul ventured to come out against me to battle.
……But, notwithstanding that they have so foolish a manner of warfare, yet these Greeks, when I led my army against them to the very borders of Macedonia, did not so much as think of offering me battle.”

[The History of Herodotus Book VII]

*Mardonius, the Persian general, as all Persians considered Macedonia part of Greece.

13.

Quote:

Is considered this king (Philip) began his monarchy with the bad conditions and he conquered the bigger monarchy of Hellenes (Macedonia) increasing the hegemony no so much with the heroism of arms, as long as with the skilful handlings and his diplomacy.

[Dionysios Sikeliotis, 16-95]

*The bigger Monarchy of Hellas was Macedonia.

14. A Persian inscription dating from 513 BCE records the European peoples who were, at that date, subject to the Great King. One of these people is described as Yauna Takabara, meaning ‘Ionians wearing the hat’. The Persians, like other eastern peoples of antiquity, are known to have applied the term ‘Ionians’ to all Greeks; on the other hand the Macedonian hat (kausia) was very distinctive from the hats of the other Greeks, but Persians knew Macedonia was a part of Greece since Macedonians were Greeks themselves.

Was Greek the ‘Linqua franca’ of ancient times prior to Alexander?

March 16, 2007

FYROM Claim:

Quote:

Greek was the international language (Linqua Franca) of Ancient times thus it was adopted from Philip and Alexander like Latin and English much later.While Alexander the Great spoke Macedonian to his comrades and Macedonian brothers he spoke Greek to Asians, Greek people and the rest of the world

Fact: Greek was not the “lingua franca” during the reign of Philip II and Alexander III. In fact, it became so later because of the conquests of Alexander and the many colonies he founded that dispersed the Greek culture and language around the world of Eastern Mediterranean. During the time of Philip and the beginning of the conquests of Alexander, if there was a lingua franca, that was Persian, not Greek. In fact, after Alexander, despite the wide adoption of Greek, native languages survived and thrived and Hellenistic kingdoms erected multiple multilingual inscriptions.

To demonstrate it clearly…

Prior to Philip and Alexander,

Did Illyrians speak Greek??? NO

Did Paeonians speak Greek? NO

Did Persians speak Greek? NO

Did Egyptians speak Greek? NO

Did the bulk of Thracians speak Greek? NO

Did the Carthaginians speak Greek? NO

Did the Romans speak Greek? NO

Did Dardanians speak Greek? NO

Did Indians speak Greek? NO

Did Macedonians speak Greek? YES

From all the multilingual inscriptions found, none contained the “phantom Macedonian language”. Extennsive escavations in Macedonia in hundreds of sites, private cemeteries, religious temples have not uncovered any other language than Greek and in fact, they established the fact that the Macedonian dialect was a North-West Greek dialect.


Greek Mercenaries in Antiquity

March 14, 2007

One from the FYROM argument as about the Greekness or not of the ancient Macedonians is the claim that the Greeks that fought Great Alexander’s army are most from that was allied. Is that true and if no why. I am tried to explain what a Greek mercenary was in the Greek classical epoch. A mercenary in Antiquity had different meaning from the today mercenary.
The mercenaries explored herein were military men. The majority of Greek mercenaries were probably the very citizens who formed the cores of poleis armies. The mercenary reflected Greek society because of the integral relationship between war, socio-economic organization and politics.


The mercenary, however, challenged the community values of ancient Greek society because a mercenary was not a member of the community for which he fought and had no stake in that society, being neither citizen nor landholder. The importance of mercenaries in transforming the nature of Greek society cannot be belittled. In the hoplite community war was highly political.


Mercenary service cut the links between citizen and community service, between a son and his household, between an independent farmer and his land, between the ideal amateur and the professional specialist. Mercenaries cut the link between war and the political life of the community and thus the independence of the citizen who abrogated his responsibilities in needing a specialist to defend his home and his state.
Economically, mercenaries were of major significance to Greek history.


HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
When the first Greek mercenaries appeared in the Aegean cannot be known. It must have been very early in Greek history because of the endemic nature of war in ancient society.


From late in the 8th until the 6th century BC several of the Greek poleis of the Peloponnesus and Sicily, and Athens from the middle of the 6th century, came under the rule of tyrants. These ‘extra-constitutional strong men’ ruled communities of citizen-farmers. The tyrants were the first Greek employers of mercenaries. They used hired men to gain power, as bodyguards and as instruments to maintain their regimes. Diodorus Sikeliotis in his histories give the impression of large numbers of wandering foreigners, sometimes styled as misthophoroi, sometimes as xenoi, roaming Sicily in search of settlement, employment and plunder. Many may not even have been Greek.


PERSIANS AND GREEK MERCENARIES
In the early 4th century the authority of the Persian Empire began to disintegrate in its western satrapies. This was prefaced by the failed coup of Cyrus the Younger. He was the brother of the Great King, Artaxerxes II, and in 401 BC he led an expedition into the heart of the Persian Empire to overthrow his brother. His army included over 10,000 Greek mercenary hoplites, most of whom were Peloponnesians. While Cyrus and the Greeks won the ensuing battle, fought at Cunaxa near Babylon, Cyrus himself was killed. This left the Greeks a great distance from home with neither an employer nor a purpose. Xenophon the Athenian recorded the story of their successful march from Cunaxa back to the Greek world in his Anabasis.


MACEDONIA ERA AND GREEK MERCENERIES
Philip and Alexander both employed mercenary forces. Given the greater wealth that Macedonia could call upon after its gaining control of the gold and silver mines in the area of Mount Pangaeum and the lower Strymon, Philip had the resources to employ them on a much larger scale than other powers. Some of the sources give the impression that Philip used them frequently, but his operations are so ill-documented that it is hard to assess their importance. Apparently he increased their numbers after the mid-340s when he began to have access to Greek sources.

They were used for three types of duty. Firstly, they manned expeditions designed for limited and definite objectives such as the Euboean expedition of 342/341 or in the formation of a bridgehead in northwestern Asia Minor against the Persians in 336; they usually served in detachments of 2000 to 3000, though on one occasion a force of 10000 is mentioned. Secondly, mercenaries were used as permanent garrisons at important points, as at Thermopylae. Thirdly, they were hired for special skills such as the Cretans who were hired for their expertise in archery. Their role was to be more important under Alexander. In the initial invasion of Persia approximately five thousand mercenary infantry were employed.


Philip II came to the throne of the growing power of Macedon in 359 BC. Philip was the only victor of the Third Sacred War against Phocis, despite the coalition of states, including Thebes, that formed the alliance to defend the shrine of Delphi. Philip’s victory in the Third Sacred War facilitated his entry into the affairs of central Greece. The rise of Macedon provided another region of employment for Greeks abroad. Philip had ample resources to pay soldiers who were Macedonians and to buy the aid of foreigners. Philip’s army was the tool with which his son Alexander conquered Persia. Macedon was not the first among Greek mainland states to have a standing and professional army. Argos maintained a chosen group of soldiers called the logades in the 5th century (Thuc. 5.67.2). The Arcadians had established a core of trained and maintained troops, called the eparitoi, at the inception of the Arcadian confederacy in 369 BC, and Elis had also employed such specialists (Xen. Hell. 7.4.13, 4.34). Thebes had a similar group of men in their 300-strong Sacred Band. Even Athens maintained a picked body of chosen men, the epilektoi (Plut. Phoc. 13.2-3; Aisch. 2.169), and invested its resources in the ephêbeia, a group of trained young adult aristocratic but citizen soldiers. All these might loosely be termed professional military organizations in the fourth century BC. However, Philip’s army became both professional and national. It was these professionals who decisively defeated the amateur citizen-hoplites of Athens and Thebes at the Battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC. This victory allowed Philip to dominate the Greek cities of the mainland. The professional soldier had progressively become more common on mainland Greece in the fourth century and, eventually, although citizen militias still appear in Polybius’ histories of the third century BC, he supplanted the amateur farmer-hoplite on the stage of Hellenistic warfare.
Philip’s son and successor Alexander III , conquered the Persian Empire in less than a decade. He used many Greek mercenaries in the process, and his adversary, the Great King Darius III, employed as many as 50,000 such men to oppose him. Alexander’s army was, essentially, professional. It left the Aegean basin in 334 BC, and ten years later very few of those men returned to their homes. When Alexander died in 323 BC, the Greek world had changed forever, and the Hellenistic period (323-30 BC) had replaced the Classical period just as a Greco-Macedonian empire had replaced the Persian.

 
CONCLUSION
Antiquity played a role in bringing to the modern world the image of the foreigner fighting for pay in a foreign land. The ambiguity of the figure of the mercenary is evident in ancient Greek ideology. The absence of a specific word denoting the mercenary illustrates ambivalence and ambiguity. The terms that were most commonly employed for such men were interchangeable with things that had nothing to do with military service; for example misthophoros might just as easily refer to a juryman as to a mercenary, epikouros to a guardian, and xenos simply to a foreigner.

This article  has concentrated on the Greek mercenary soldier in the Classical ages. Mercenaries became prolific in this period in several avenues of warfare. Firstly, naval warfare provided livelihoods for thousands of poor men in the fleets of Athens, Persia and Sparta. Naval warfare helped to influence land wars by monetization and sustained military campaigning. Constant warfare and growing instability in the whole Mediterranean region provided the context for this demand. Tyrants emerged at this time in the Greek cities of Sicily, and Persian satraps grew increasingly independent over regions of an unstable Persian Empire. These rulers willingly employed men from outside the states they ruled, to support their regimes and to wage aggressive wars. Mercenaries were a central feature of politics and warfare in the fourth century. Perhaps the most basic function of military strength, especially from the 5th century on, was the maintenance of a state’s political position or its very survival. In the Classical world, Greek mercenaries illustrate a wide range of social and economic relationships. Finally, what follows demonstrates that mercenary service interacted with Greek society in many ways and on many levels.

The mercenary, as the concept is understood today, was not familiar to the Greeks, and service for a foreign power in an imperialist endeavour was not perceived prima facie as bad or immoral. The mercenary was an ambiguous figure in Greek antiquity. Only when mercenary service transgressed specific boundaries that were seen as cultural or political taboos, like professionalism whereby a man became a specialist soldier and so became dependent on an employer or served against his own polis, was it frowned upon. The study of the Greek mercenary illuminates many aspects of society both in the Greek cities from which mercenaries came and in the tyrannies, kingdoms and empires that they served.

Sources:
1.     
Michael Sage, Warfare in Ancient Greece
2.     
Ancient Greece History, Cambridge University Press, Greek Edition
3.     
Ancient Greece History, Oxford University Press
4.     
Osprey, Greek Hoplite, 480-323 B.C.
5.     
Trundle, Greek Mercenaries
6.     
Diodoros Sikeliotis, Historiai
7.     
Xenofon, Ellinika
8.     
Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War
9.      Plutarch, Alexander

 By Akritas